Kurdistan Islamic groups exceed ideology to satisfy people

Hadi Ali, politburo secretary of the Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU), hopes for their list of Services and Reform (No. 59) to place second in the elections. His hope springs from his party’s alliance with each the Islamic Group in Kurdistan, the Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party, and the Aynda (Future) Party.

By Ako Muhammed

Your list says you will win 30 to 40 seats. Where this expectation comes from?

Who says this? I don’t say so. Expecting a number [of seats] is not important. For now, we are 4 parties and have 18 seats in Parliament. Therefore, we have the right if we expect for more seats.

The KIU has had popularity in Kurdistan as it adopted a religious program. Now you are allied with seculars. How much will this lessen your votes?

Absolutely our votes not only will not decrease, but the opposite is true: Our votes will increase. We are an Islamic party; but since our declaration in the early 1990s, we have introduced ourselves as reformist, political, pro-democratic, and pro-civil [activities}, and all our works are circled within these frames. It is normal; we respect the plurality—with all its colors—of Kurdistan. We always had cooperation with them in the decisive and crucial issues such as the civil war and the challenges Kurdistan Region faced from outside. Now, it is very normal for us to gather for the sake of the high interests of Kurdistan’s people with those parties despite the ideological differences. The common point is embodied in the electoral program we agreed upon; this program is the demand of people and we all are part of it. Our gathering with those powers—we can say—is an enlightening sign for Kurdistan’s political and democratic process. It explains that the Kurdistan parties can exceed their ideology to ally on the people’s high general interests.

Thus, you exceed Islamic ideology for the sake of public interests?

Don’t call it Islamic; Islamic issue is something else. I say that we could go beyond our thinking and ideological background for the sake of the high, general, and common interests between Kurdistan Region and Kurdistan people.

Why is reform an electoral campaign priority?

Reform has been our main slogan since the KIU was declared. And now, we think that the Kurdistan Regional Government and Parliament are in need of essential and general reforms.

What political and economic reforms can you make?

For example, this Parliament is not active; opposition with its real meaning does not exist in Kurdistan. Parties’ influences within the government are many, and it must be removed. Security and Peshmarga forces still belong to parties while they should fall under the command of the government. People’s incomes and services to them should be improved. Corruption within the governmental establishments must be confronted and treated.

You were a part of the current administration and also a part of the opposition. Which one will you be the next time?

We think that the democratic process in Kurdistan hasn’t yet fallen in line with what is called real democracy and its true meaning as we see in developed countries. One of the reasons is the lack of real opposition in Parliament; this does not exist yet due to some reason, subjective or objective. If it [real opposition] was something not allowed or there was no opportunity, now is the time to exceed that stage. Existence of a real opposition is a necessity for the political system, necessary for government and necessary for people.

So you will remain the opposition in Parliament?

We have to wait for the election’s outcome. Then we can decide whether to stay in Parliament, or perhaps we win the majority and form the government, or to form the government with another party but not like pervious one.

As there is no real democracy, the elections will not be democratic too.

Of course, we have fears from the ruling parties that have all the capabilities—that is of government and people—they use it not only for their interests but also against the other lists. They may go for forgery or other ways to influence in decreasing other lists’ voting rates.

Is this only fear or are there facts as well?

All the posters of other lists from Zakho to Erbil have been torn down and removed. A very simple example: The Newroz TV, which supposedly belongs to the government and is independent, has a program with an organization to interview representatives of lists each day. The other day, when it was time to interview the Services and Reform List, the local broadcast of the TV was stopped totally during the whole night. This was to prevent the Reform and Services List’s show from being watched by anyone. They don’t feel ashamed in front of the people. What if they find underground chances, they don’t exploit it?

Why this fear of your list?

Because we own offices all over Kurdistan, we have people, and we are four parties. Certainly, they are afraid we might win large votes. They try the most to decrease our votes. It doesn’t matter for us what they say in the campaign within the regular principles. They have rights and so do we. But they resort to illegal actions.

In Duhok, your campaign is weak.

In all Badinan area [Duhok province], only the KIU exists after the KDP. We have distributed the area between us—laughing—there is no other power. Opportunities there are few for campaigning. They tear down posters; our TV in Zakho is closed and they don’t allow us to reopen it.

Why is the TV closed? Because of elections or some other reason?

They say it has no license. But the Ministry of Culture agrees with the TV’s license. The law allows parties to have media channels; but, the Asaish (security forces) is not allowing this. This affects our votes and they frighten people with such acts.

If the Goran List was not in this election, the people unsatisfied with the major parties would have voted for you. Does this list affect your votes?

This is true; if there was not Goran, we would obtain more of those votes. Some of those votes will go to Goran, but this happens in Suleimaniya--and it is different in other places.

Who is second, you or Goran?

After the two parties [Kurdistan List], we are the second--and better we be the second.

Why did you vote for the [Kurdistan Region] Constitution?

Through our members in Parliament and in the committee for drafting the Constitution, we were intently aware about the Constitution over the last two or three years. We had some notes on it; our notes have been answered while a few of them remained. Normally, the Constitution would not win full agreement by every side. It is a political and social treaty among the components of a community; it must win the minimum of every side’s agreement but not win the maximum agreement.

It is true there is hastening in passing the Constitution now; indeed, it has been delayed. We call for not dragging the Constitution issue into the parties’ political struggle, but for it to be considered a national issue.

You are a reformist party. But is it going to become like the other parties as Salahaddin Bahaddin is the leader of this party since 1994? have you thought of changing leaders?

We hold conference every four years. Such issues are openly are discussed in the conference. For the leader to stay or to be changed is decided in the conference. We have no problem about that.

What about splits and blocs? Do you have them inside your party?

I think we are far removed from those things. But existence of a difference in opinion is normal and necessary for strengthening the party. Rumors about blocs [inside KIU] are only rumors.

The Kurdish Globe